Why we should all have a basic income
Image: Vitaly
Scott Santens
Consider for a moment that from this day forward, on the first day of every month, around $1,000 is deposited into your bank account —
because you are a citizen. This income is independent of every other source of income and guarantees you a monthly starting salary above
the poverty line for the rest of your life.
What do you do? Possibly of more importance, what
don’t you do? How does this firm foundation of economic security and
positive freedom affect your present and future decisions, from the work you choose to the relationships you maintain, to the risks you take?
The idea is called
unconditional or universal basic income, or UBI. It’s like social security for all, and it’s taking root within minds around the world and across the entire political spectrum, for
a multitude of converging reasons. Rising inequality, decades of stagnant wages,
the transformation of lifelong careers into sub-hourly tasks, exponentially advancing technology like robots and
deep neural networks increasingly capable of replacing potentially half of all human labour, world-changing events like Brexit and the election of Donald Trump — all of these and more are pointing to the need to start permanently guaranteeing everyone at least
some income.
A promise of equal opportunity
“Basic income” would be an amount sufficient to secure basic needs as a permanent earnings floor no one could fall beneath, and would replace many of today’s temporary benefits, which are given only in case of emergency, and/or only to those who successfully pass the applied qualification tests. UBI would be a promise of equal opportunity, not equal outcome, a new starting line set above the poverty line.
It may surprise you to learn that
a partial UBI has already existed in Alaska since 1982, and that a version of basic income was experimentally tested
in the United States in the 1970s. The same is true in Canada, where the town of
Dauphin managed to eliminate poverty for five years. Full UBI experiments have been done more recently in places such as
Namibia,
Indiaand
Brazil. Other countries are following suit:
Finland, the Netherlands and Canada are carrying out government-funded experiments to compare against existing programmes. Organizations like
Y Combinator and
GiveDirectly have launched privately funded experiments in the US and East Africa respectively.
I know what you’re thinking. It’s the same thing most people think when they’re new to the idea.
Giving money to everyone for doing nothing? That sounds both incredibly expensive and a great way to encourage people to do nothing. Well, it may sound counter-intuitive, but the exact opposite is true on both accounts. What’s incredibly expensive is not having basic income, and what really motivates people to work is, on one hand,
not taking money away from them for working, and on the other hand, not actually about money at all.
Basic income in numbers
What tends to go unrealized about the idea of basic income, and this is true even of many economists — but not all — is that it represents a
net transfer. In the same way it does not cost $20 to give someone $20 in exchange for $10, it does not cost $3 trillion to give every adult citizen $12,000 and every child $4,000, when every household will be paying varying amounts of taxes in exchange for their UBI.
Instead it will cost around 30% of that, or about $900 billion, and that’s
before the full or partial consolidation of other programmes and tax credits immediately made redundant by the new transfer. In other words, for someone whose taxes go up $4,000 to pay for $12,000 in UBI, the cost to give that person UBI is $8,000, not $12,000, and it’s coming from someone else whose taxes went up $20,000 to pay for their own $12,000. However, even that’s not entirely accurate, because the consolidation of the safety net and tax code UBI allows could drive the total price even lower.
Now, this idea of replacing existing programmes can scare some just as it appeals to others, but the choice is not all or nothing: partial consolidation is possible. As an example of partial consolidation, because most seniors already effectively have a basic income through social security, they could either choose between the two, or a percentage of their social security could be converted into basic income. Either way, no senior would earn a penny less than now in total, and yet the UBI price tag could be reduced by about $220 billion. Meanwhile, just a few examples of existing revenue that could and arguably should be fully consolidated into UBI would likely be food and nutrition assistance
($108 billion), wage subsidies ($72 billion), child tax credits ($56 billion), temporary assistance for needy families
($17 billion), and the home mortgage interest deduction (which mostly benefits the wealthy anyway, at a cost of at least
$70 billion per year). That’s $543 billion spent on UBI instead of all the above, which represents only a fraction of
the full list, none of which need be healthcare or education.
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